By Akira Miura
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Extra resources for An Integrated Approach to Intermediate Japanese (Revised Edition)
Dat beer. ” CLD’ed elements are also subject to Condition C. Reconstruction of the left dislocated element in (15) triggers a violation of Condition C if the null subject and Martin co-refer because the null subject pronoun c-commands the base position of the left dislocated element. dat neg-attach CLD velký význam. ” The sentence in (15) is grammatical, however, if the R-expression, Martin, and the subject of the matrix verb do not corefer. Again, Condition C provides evidence for reconstruction of the CLD’ed element to a clause internal position.
Since HTLD I with case matching and CLD are indistinguishable in the surface syntax, he uses intonation to tease apart these two constructions. German CLD does not have an obligatory intonational break between the left dislocate and the main clause, but HTLD I, II do. Since both CLD and HTLD I exhibit intonational breaks in Czech, I feel that this is an unreliable means of distinguishing these two constructions. I assume, for the purposes of this book, that HTLD I lacks case matching. The left periphery: The interaction of syntax, pragmatics and prosody in Czech German CLD and HTLD I are similar in that the resumptive element is found at the left edge of the clause; they differ in that CLD, but not HTLD I, requires case matching between the resumptive and the left dislocate.
I, therefore, conclude that CT movement in Czech is an operator-variable A-bar movement. 3 Syntactic analysis of CT constructions I analyze operator movement in contrastive topicalization on a par with operator movement in wh-constructions. The head of the contrastively topicalized XP has . Topicalization in English also exhibits these two characteristics of operator-variable constructions: their discourse referents are members of a non-singleton set and they participate in pairings between members of two or more sets.